AGM 1987

CAMDEN LABOUR BRIEFING JULY 1987

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING 8.00

Monday 6 July The Town. Hall Euston Road

AGENDA 1. Apologies for Absence 2. Additional Items for Agenda 3. Introduction 4. Policy Se Strategy 6. Organisation 7. Any Other Business a

Introduction

No one predicted the scale of the Conservative vicory. Most commentators believed that a majority of around 50 seats was the best that the Tories could achieve. In the event, their overall majority of 102 leaves them in an unassailable position in parliamentary terms. No matter how cogent or coherent Labour's parliamentary oppisition proves to be, the Tories are in a position to steam roller through any measures which are deemed necessary

to furthur emasculate the working class, their organisations and their communities.

The proposals contained in the Conservative Manifesto are quite explicit. There will be a furthur reduction in trade union rights. The privatisation of state industries will continue. The privatisation of state provision

will be accelerated. The denial of civil and social liberties will be intensified.

The Labour Party's response to the Conservative victory is already becoming apparent. In the absence of a policy of active resistance to a continuing Tory government, the leadership's priorities are to be an intensification of the assault of those sections in the Party who are prepared to organise such a resistance.

This is hardly surprising given the idealogical divisions which exist inside the Labour Party, and these divisions - which have been muted during the election campaign - are already becoming more pronounced.

In the absence of an alternative strategy, the leadership will be forced to become even more aggressive in defence of tieir centrist policies and this will lead to renewed attacks on the left. The left is certain to respond to these attacks with open criticism of the leadership and demand that the Party adopts a far more radical approach to both policy and strategy, especially

in the context of organising effective opposition and resistance to the Tory programme.

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The Trade Union movement will similarily be forced to assess the prospect of another five years of Tory government. The defensive process of negotiation and damage limitation will undoubtedly continue, but there

will be vocal elements within the unions and amongst the rank and file

who will be demanding a far more aggressive and confrontational approach to industrial relations.

Groups which are issue-based will be pushed away from a dialogue with the Parliamentary Labour Party and placed in a context which is more reliant on their own personnel and resources.

Communities which have been awaiting the arrival of a Labour Government will similarily be forced to concentrate their efforts on the practical defence of existing resources and focus their activities on organising this resistance.

The common element to this widespread process of revaluation will be an increasing polarisation between reformist and radical elements in the labour movement, exemplified in the choice between a political strategy which attempts to exist within the perimeters of parliamentary discussion and debate and one which attempts to move outside these boundaries and

establish itself on a terrian which is more likely to offer an active means of resistance.

Briefing's role in this process can be either marginalised or at the epicentre of the movement. The decisions which are made over the next few weeks will largely determine which position we occupy.

Policy

The choice in front of us is stark and simple. We either surrender and collaborate with the Tory government, or we begin to organise resistance and opposition at every level of the labour movement.

In Camden, the reality of the District Auditor and the likely disqualification and surcharge of Labour Councillors, effectively destroys the first option

as an effective means of mitigating against even the mest outrageous Tory policies, Even without this reality, it would have meant bargaining with

the Tories from a position of weakness. The destruction of the Labour

Group simply removes this option-as a possibility. It is not just impracticable, it is suicidal.

Our immediat’ position must be’to refuse to-negotiate with either the Tories or the right wing of the Labour Party. We must begin the process

of building up our strength on:a platform which stands in open opposition to collusiof'- whether this is-in terms-of privatisation, poll tax, surcharge,’ the Council's: present budget-stratégy, cuts in jobs and services, or whatevet.*We must identify ourselves openly: as in total opposition

to the Tory government, in’ favour’ of ho collusion or cuts - even if this means bankruptcy - and in’ support of thdse groups and organisations which are already involved in campaigns against cuts in jobs and services.

Briefing must be developed into a forum: for’a-variety of interests who find themselves’ in opposition’ to both central government and the collaboraters

in local government, attempting to unite these interests and build a broad based campaign in. defence of workers and’ communities.

In practi¢al terms, this means aligning ourselves immediately with the

unions in Camden against job losses and lowered standards, with Council tenants” ‘against* rent increases: and reductioms: in tepairs and maintenance work, with community orgarisations: against cuts and‘with ‘self-organised groups

and campaigns whdare altead attempting” to “challenge the state at both

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national and local levels.

In addition to adopting these policies within the context of Camden, we must build a bridge between Camden and the other local authorities who are in tyhe front line, creating a common forum in an attempt to develop common policies and strategies. London Labour M.P.s must be brought into this campaign and every attempt must b made to ensure that resistance in London is co-ordinated and able to cross Borough and constituency

boundaries.

Strategy

It is this strategy of locally based organiaations and resistance, placed in the context of a London wide forum and support system, that must form the strategic basis of our resistance.

In Camden, within the Labour Group, Briefing Councillors must put the case on behalf of Briefing, arguing consistently in favour of active resistance, against cuts in jobs and services, and using their Committee positions in order to support groups and organis ations who are already engaged in struggle - whether these are trade union or community based groups, and whether their campaign is directed against the cantral or local state.

The Councillors must align themselves outward - towards the Joint Shop Stewards Committee, the District Management Committees, the Tenants groups, funded organisations, and self-organised groups - stating unequivocally that their primary allegiance is to the labour movement and not the Labour Group.

The Local Government Committee must become the Borough-wide forum for Party opposition to cuts and job losses, co-ordinating the Party's response to

the District Auditor and the likelihood of by-elections, again forming alliances outside the Party - with the Unions and the wider community -

but also building support for a left Position in the parties. Information must be forced from the Group and disseminated throughout the Party, a regular LGC newsletter produced in addition to regular Agendas, Minutes, etc., and this newsletter should be opened to all Party members, Councillors, trade unionists and community organisations.

The General Committee must be involved directly in the debate around resistance, cuts and the demand for an effective campaign of opposition, Resolutions must be accurately time-tabled and explained, distributed

and debated from Branch and Section level upwards, and the challenge to the Right and a policy of collaboration must be openly stated - they are either prepared for confrontation and wish to build the local movement on this premise, or they are in favour of cuts.

Briefing itself must formally broaden its support. Distribution must be efficiently co-ordinated at every Branch, Section, GC and LGC meeting, and

we must be prepared to identify individuals within each of these fora who will be prepared to become more involved in Briefing. Similarily, Briefing must extend its links more efficiently into the unions and community organisations accepting the active involvement of as wide a cross-section as possible, and ,

actively encouraging the participation of self-organised groups and issue based organisations.

Organisation

is capable of reaching outside the Party to draw in support, we must organise ourselves more tightly.

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Meetings must be held on a regular monthly date, with a set venue, minutes and agenda. We should be prepared to organise speakers for these meetings and to co-ordinate Briefing activity at all levels of the Party. We should also aim to organise public-meetings and fund-raising events, bringing in support

and ensuring that the political priorities agreed within Briefing-are at the top of the Party's Agenda.

Additionally, we must formally adopt an Editoriak Board for Camden Briefing, again meeting monthly at a fixed time and place, and open to all Briefing supporters, but with a number of appointed individuals who represent a cross-section of supporters and who could meet inbetween regular meetings

if an immediate response was required to specific political developments.