Devon Labour Briefing no. 31

No. 31

JULY 1988 —

10p

KIGK THE FASCISTS OUT!

Many people in Exeter have received leaflets delivered house to house by the National Front, explicitly using the Orange connection (below).

log” ta,” OF © in of bene \ sate a 20k pel ely, aly Ge ur On Saturday June 18th, the

terfield. A thousand anti-fascists marched in protest. Tony Benn, Chesterfield’s Labour MP, opposed the commemorating of William of

Orange, the cause of the Orange and fascist march.

How long will this go on? Do we have to wait for violence and bigotry to erupt on the streets of Exeter?

Cen Orange y's Order and fascists marched in Ches- /s*

The following individuals and organisat-

ions are just some of those who have expressed their opposition to the 1988 Orange Celebrations in Exeter and elsewhere.

Alf Dubbs MP,

Tony Benn MP,

Ken Livingstone MP,

Jeremy Corbyn MP,

Bernie Grant NP,

Harry Cohen MP,

John Hughes MP,

Bob Clay MP,

Pat Wall MP,

Labour Party South West Regional Committee, ;

British Labour Group on the European Parliament,

Bristol Labour Party,

Ayr College Labour Club,

Wimbledon Labour Party,

Harrow West CLP,

Kingston CLP,

Tiverton CLP,

Honiton CLP,

Islington Trades Council,

Liverpool Trades Council,

Aberdeen Trades Council,

Leeds Trades Council,

Ealing Borough Trades Council,

Labour Committee on Ireland,

Doncaster and District Labour Committee

on Ireland, ;

Chesterfield Labour Committee on Ireland, Devon and Somerset Students Association, Exeter University Guild of Students, Trade Unions for an Independent United Ireland,

South Deyon Anti-Apartheid Group, Lord Tony Gifford QC,

Earl of Perth,

Professor Christopher Hill,

Anne Frank Foundation (Neth),

Frysk Anti-Fascist Committee (Neth), Young Socialists (Neth),

Communist Party (Neth),

Radical Party (PPR) (Neth).

and

THREE HUNDRED YEARS AGU, WILLIAM OF QRANGE, AT THE INVITATION OF A MAJORITY OF THE ENGLISH RULING CLASS, LANDED IN

DEVON WITH HIS ARMIES TO TAKE THE CROWN FROM THE CATHOLIC JAMES II

The Labour-led Exeter City Council | has ignored the year long protest by Antifascists and other progressive, groups and is unleashing "Exeter’s William of Orange Celebrations” on us. £60,000 of rate payers’ money has also been squand-

ered on this piece of municipal nonsense.

The argument against the celebrations can be-put ever so simply: William of Orange is the historic symbol of British occupation and Loyalist fascism in Ire-

land. His) conquest of the Catholic

Irish at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690 is still celebrated. He is the mentor of the anti-Catholic Orange Order which functions to oppress Catholics in -Ireland and elsewhere. Loyalist fascism is

backed to the hilt by the National Front. .

* September 17th will see the Orange Order, supported by the National Front, marching through Exeter. The National Front has said it will "bring its supporters from all over the

country's to participate in the celebrations.

Thanks to these celebrations, the Orange Order are holding conferences at Exeter University and in Brixham.

* The National Front are leafletting Exeter in support of the celebrations. They have congratulated the Labour

Council and hope to build a branch here.

‘More than one thousand Exeter people signed a petition calling on the Council to abandon the celebrations.

e Labour Council teader has called those locally opposing the celebrations "five stupid bastards" and nat-

ional AFA “the National Association of Headbangers" “©

Exeter Labour Party stands almost alone in. backing these celebrations ~- . the Honiton and Tiverton CLPs and the Regional Labour Party have condemned them. Even -the Labour Group in the European Parliament has condemned the celebrations. :

To justify the celebrations, the right wing City Council Labour Group pump out three lies:

* "William of Orange brought about demo-

cracy in England”. True, the power of Parliament - at that time “elected” by landowners - was enhanced, but working

people had nothing to do with it. This was acoup within the ruling class.

“The people of Exeter cheered William ‘in 1688." For what it matters, this is untrue. William was kept waiting

Socialists, progressive Sroups and antifascists have one message: “CANCEL THE CELEBRATIONS". But Chester Long’s ruling Labour group ploughs on. It’s not enough for them to say that they don’t want the Orangemen and the fascists here - they must abandon the celebrations.

outside the City for three days because Exeter was uncertain about the Status of this foreign army, including slaves and mercenaries.

“The celebrations will bring tourists to Exeter." It is now quite clear that most of these “tourists" will be Orangemen and the National Front. Already, the poice are combing the city for supposed IRA cells. All of this will hardly draw tourists.

More from the man who dubbed those opposing the Orange celebrations as “stupid bastards." Thanks are due to him for “not allowing our (City Council) property to be used by an outside organisation (The Orange Order) that wishes to assemble to march". So far, so good, but the reason given is that “its already been indicated by extremists (AntiFascist Action) that they will come and disrupt it."

So Anti-Fascist Action are effective "stupid bastards”. Thought that one out Chester?

(Quotes from Express and Echo, p12, 22.6.88)

STOP. PRESS |

from the IRISH POST

The Labour-controlled coun- litically naive in this cil in Oxford has banned a. matter, ay the event has now William of Orange tercenten- been scrubbed”.

ary celebration in a local park The Labour Party in the fellows protests from rit Oxford ward of St. Clements had | socialists, including the argued that similar celebrations

Labour ». Committee on in the Labour-controlled towns

: of Exeter _and Chesterfield had Ireland and . the. Trades become the focus” for Council, writes TONY

BIRTILL. demonstrations by the Orange

: : Order and the National Front. A Oxford is twinned with the similar argument was put

town of Leiden in Holland forward by the Trades Council and the twin towns and Basil Hinton, who is the committee, known as the National vice-chairperson of the Oxford-Leiden ‘ Link, had Labour Committee on Ireland as

. well as being a member of the planned to stage a gala at Oxford Labour Party, wrote to

the Labour Group on the council, pointing out the dangers of the event. The city’s Labour Party and the council accepted the arguments.

‘INSULTING’

."“The council’s decision is a victory for common sense”, Basil Hinton told The Trish Post. “This celebration would have been insulting to the city’s large Irish community, insulting to local Catholics and would have encouraged fascists and Orange-

Cutteslowe Park in the city on August 20 in memory of the tercentenary of the landing in England of William III of Orange to assume the throne of England in place of the Catholic James II. The council had originally backed the idea bit changed its mind when the political implications of the event were pointed out. Council leader Barbara Gate said: “We were

strongest opposition party, just two seats short of power. All three under-

aaa ADEE

At the end of May, two AFA members went to Holland on a fact finding “holiday” to make contact with anti-fascist groups there.

"Tt’s all over now isn’t it?

No, it isn’t.

It is tragic and discomforting but: fascism is alive today. New fascist groups are at work all over the world. In Britain for example there is a truly neo-nazi organisation, the National Front (N.F.)."

So opens an article in The Anne Frank Journal published by the Anne Frank Centre, Amsterdam, whose exhibition is visited by half a million people from all over the world each year and whose reputation is higher even than that of Amnesty International in Holland. The Centre works full-time and singlemindedly against fascism throughout the world and it was therefore not surprising to find an article from “The Guardian”, on the rise of fascism in Britain and the N.F.’s intentions for Devon around the William of Orange Cele~ brations this year on their exhibition stands. Consequently, both the Director, Vera Ebels, and the Information officer, Cas van der Sande, were delighted to welcome us, to hear more details which they can publicise and to give us support.

The Anne Frank Centre epitomises the response in Holland to fascism for, having been occupied during the Second World War, the Dutch know how easily the seeds of fascism can be sown and how readily it can grow through the kind of

ignorance, lack of vigilance and failure |

to challenge it which we witness in England today. Contrary to cur experience with our own Council, our analysis did not have to be’ explained; rather they elaborated it for us! Being rigorous in their research, using only hard primary sources, the staff of the Anne Frank Centre were able to give us more details about international links between paramilitary and fascist groups throughout Europe. Given their knowledge and understanding, the Centre asked to be invited to England this year to research and monitor the N.F.’s “opportunity of a lifetime" (from the "The Flag") for mobilisation around the Orange celebrations.

Likewise, the Irish Information Centre did not need to be told the story of the N.F. and the Orange Order and their relationship to the Tercentenary Celebrations, but was eager to use our visit as an opportunity to publicise further the implications. So, through the trish Information Centre we were able to have neetings with Emmy Van Hoord of the ‘Foreign Section of the P.P.R. (Political \Party Radical), the Young Socialists and the Dutch Labour Party (P.v.d.A.), the

took to pursue the issue with their comrades, being particularly concerned that the Dutch Royal Family putblicly disassociate its House of Orange from the Orange Order. They also all intend to highlight, in the Dutch Parliament and the European Parliament, the dangers of encouraging fascism through this year’s events.

All political parties we met were anxjous to take action, being: aware of Ulster Unionist John Taylor’s alliance with the European Parliament’s fascist grouping, and of the UDA/UDF (paramilitary wings of the Orange Order) links with Flemist militant fascist groups. They also told us of their concern about the UDA/UDF buying guns from Antwerp. They do not underestimate the extent and power of fascism.

It was for the same reasons that the Dutch press was responsive and will cover the political ramifications both now and throughout the year. We have already had two ‘phone interviews since our return and contacts have been established for Dutch reporters, including the World Service, to take part in our press conferences in July and September. The Press and the political parties were conscious, in a way which we had not been, that the events of this year are open for the Orange Order and the N.F. to damage the Dutch Royal Family and Anglo-Dutch relations. Claiming that this is an innocent year of flower shows and silver exhibitions is belied by the serious international consequences to which some of our comrades still wish to remain blind.

The fact that the bookshops in Amsterdam were eager to stock and sell our pamphlet "“Exeter’s William of Orange Celebrations .1988: The Socialist Case” demonstrates further the Dutch political awareness of the ever-present dangers of fascism and proves, with the response of everyone we met, that it is not we who are the “headbangers" or “stupid bsstards”, but those in England who still refuse to understand history and its lessons.

As the Anne Frank Journal says, the “N.F. does not only use words ts enforce their ideas .... They invite more

attacks and more violence and publish names, addresses and ‘phone numbers of their victims. People are beaten up the promulgation of fascist views or actions and we will seek ways to challenge it even though personally threatened. However, we refuse to take any responsibility for what happens this year as a result of the Tercentenary Celebrations: that responsibility lies firmly with our’ so-called representatives on Exeter City Council, and the Labour Party leadership both locally and nationally.

Exeter Anti-Fascist Action.

A dialogue between a briefed. ‘labourer (BL) and a member of the Campaign for Real Trotskyism (Ms Winnie Rhoda Par, known by her initials as WRP). The discussion took place

in June 1988.

BL: I’m working .hard to see Benn and Hef fer elected to the leading posts in the Labour

Party. Their campaign is vital as they represent class politics within the- Labour Party. .

WRF; .I can’t agree to that. They -know

nothing about class politics. think that miljtancy and i acl for workers struggles.

They seem to

class politics is. just about

BL: Well” that is‘ what class politics are

about isn’t it? . :

WRF: Ne,

examining all the class

class politics are based on

relationships in

saclety. L agree with: Karl Marx, he arqued

that the point of sclass Struggle is that it.

leads an toa the predetariat and. then on-to the abolitian of I don’t recall Tony Benn saying that. So we real

all classes in a communist society. Trots base cur: class strategy on the whole of class relations. Support for the oppressed is the start not the finish of wisdom.

BL: You are a bit extreme, I think. that the

teader ship election is about whether we are e

party of elass “politics or elagss

collabora tion.

WEP: ~The way ta end class collaboration is to

“fight “far “your party members to. see that

capitalism is destrayed. The only people in the labour movement who can ensure that class collaboration is defeated are those who. will qa all the way. and fight to destroy class

society. The rest all tend to compromise’ in

the end.

BL: Aren’t you @ bit hard om Tony and Eric? As I see it just as the leadership have consistently abandoned struggle so they have Whether it be

their positions on the piners, on Liverpool

constantly. championed it.

or on Ireland, they have refused to be cowed by press hysteria and personal attacks.

dictatorship of the:

/ BL: Without ‘would be. :

‘in the early years of this century.

WRP: How odd. years in Labour

IT thought Tony Benn spent

governments. They were governments which kept hold of Britain’s bit eof Ireland and even sent in extra troops to make sure it was safe. I didn’t notice any fuss from Tony Benn. at the time, did you? 1 still don’t think he is behind a policy of a revolutionary struggle to free Iveland Pra

the British..

‘Defending the Liverpool councillors and the

miners was certainly better than the .Kinnock policy of attacking them. However, without a massive assault on the "leaders" of the TUC

~ and the Labour Party there never was any hope

ef getting: the needed.

miners the backing they The weakness of the left was a tendency to not make the demands. needed. At several points in the miners strike a general strike was possible. Weakness gt those points

lost the initiative and allowed Thatcher to

get off -the hook.

BL: Really you -know the contest is not “about personal rivalry, but about how the Labour

_ Party ar Séntutes fo the social forces that

Surround it.

WRP: I think that you mean that because the

Labour Party is’ in the pocket of the captalist class it is losing all its working class support. You hope that Benn and Hef fer can get some of that support back. Your

premise seems to be that support for. the

‘Labour Party’ is a measure of workers! backing

for socialism. I feel that many people who are fighting. the Tories actually despair of your Labour Party and its left and right

faces.

the Benn/Hef fer faced with an style

Party that had Lost “any pretensions to a socialist future.

challenge we Averican Dernocratic

WRP: The American Democratic Party was never a working persons’ party. in afy sense. It was and is a capitalist party. It has won the union leaders into a totally unprincipled web of alliances. The Labour Party has its origins. in an alliance of unions and socialists formed to defend the working class

Labour ’s

BRST as tA AGILE TT EL LET he " sane

merit is not. its "pretensions" to socialism but its. roots .in working class struagle. Socialists “inside the Labour Party have the duty to win their comrades toa revolutionary socialism. It is not their job ta just fallow Tony Benn like a poodle on a lead. The worst of it is that your defence of Tony Benn makes him seem more left wing than he really is.

BL: You know we say that Tony Benn seriously undevestinates the pesistance that would be generated by his radical projects.

WRP: Yes that’s a bit like saying that a 2CV is a little slower than a Jag. Tony Benn starts from the premise that ‘the British

state can be reformed inte a machine to

service socialism. We real Trots take’ the ~

‘View that the state machine has to be destroyed. - Tory judges Cunelected) have stolen the funds of the NUS; Tory spies forced Harold Wilson out of office: Tory civil servants kept nuclear accidents secret from Tony Benn himself while he was Secretary . of State for Eneray. Chief Constables have had their forces lay into miners, black ‘youth, printers and the rest. These Chief Constables are entirely unaccountable, except ta gad. Benn holds toa the eccentric belief that a majority in Parliament, with a bit of

backing, will overcome this leat. -

We real Trots think it will need a revolution.

The new Tory Housing Bill is due to go before Parliament during this session and will come into effect either late this year or early next year. It will have a devastating effect on the rented hausing sector. Rents will shoot upwards and housing benefit payments downwards. There will be a massive wave. of evictions, homelessness will increase

and local authorites will be left with.

next to no housing stock with which to deal with the situation... _ o ffs

The aims of the Bill are. outlined in the White Paper “Housing: The Government’s Proposals", - these are a spreading of home ownership, an extension of the independent rented sector (private sector landlords and housing associations), a redueed role of local authorities and the break up of the larger concentrations of “run-down” council housing in the inner cities to the private sector.

The Government sees the housing shortage

_ tenure.

BL: Soe you wouldn’t support Benn and Heffey then?

WEP: Oh yes I would. A Benn/Heffer victory would help in the fight against the current right-wing leaders, but we can’t kid ever yone that socialism will arrive with the victory of a left wing Privy Councillor against a right “wing one. We support every struggle against the right but we don't pretend they ar@ more than they really are.

BLe What do you think we need then?

WEP: A campaign for real Tretskyism which. will work - for revolutionary

everywhere and will nat

principles: | pretend that reformism can answer any problems.

1 think that "The “Communists disdain te conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing

social conditions."

Notes: i. The parts in italics come from DLE June - 19868.

2. Labour Farty members able ta locate and ‘finish the quiskation at the end should review their party membership with the help of the Exeter Labour Party and its Executive

General Committees.

Dave Parks, Exeter CLP.

as being due to lack of competition in the rented sector and to rents being too low to encourage private landlords to put their properties on the market. It : therefore intends to remove rent con-

trols and move towards the privatisation of council estates.

The private rented sector

At present, about 8% of the stock is owned by private Almost one in five of these officially unfit for about one in seven are

housing landlords. units are habitation | and lacking basic

amenities. In Exeter there are over 17,000 people living in about 2,000 houses in multiple occupation, many of

which are sub-standard. Most private enats are ‘regulated tenants’ under the Rent Act 1977; they have the right to

ask the vent officer to register a fair usually well below a market rent security of

rent, L and they have substantial

SLANE a ELL

However, all new tenancies granted after ehe Hoitsing Bill will be of a new kind with fewer rights for tenants. These new tenancies will be so-called “assured tenancies’ or “assured shorthold tenancies’.

Under these new tenancies there will be no right to a fair rent with rents being set purely by the market. With the sevre shortage of rented housing, this will undoubtedly lead to rent increases since although = many landlords charge high rents at present they probably resist the temptation to put them too high for fear that their tenants might demand a fair rent. Landlords will have new powers to evict with assured tenancies. Mandatory grounds for a court to grant possession to a landlord will include: suitable alternative accommodation being available; serious rent arrears and persistent delay in paying rent.

With assured tenancies, the landlord has a right to agree’ a new rent with the tenant at yearly intervals or at the end of any agreed fixed period. If such a rent cannot be agreed, either party can go to a Rent Assessment Committee which will assess a ‘market’ rent. The landlord will be able to charge more than this fixed market rent, however, and so presumably it is opern to him to introduce massive rent increases in order to get the tenant out.

These new kinds of lettings will of course mean guaranteed high rents for landlords, and will obviously be far preferable to regulated tenancies. There are thousands of regulated tenants in Exeter, and it will be very profitable for landlords to evict them and replace them with guaranteed high rent paying assured tenants.

With higher rents becoming the norm there would of course be a greater burden on public expenditure through housing benefit. This has in part already been dealt with by the social security reforms which took effect in April 1988. Subsidy from central government towards local authority rent allowance costs will be reduced.

Throughout the White Paper, it is pointed out there is Housing Benefit it available to help with rents when they go up. Certainly, all of these changes together with those detailed below in the public sector will lead to a massive increase in demand for housing benefit, and as central government is unlikely to increase such expenditure there can be only ‘one solution: big cuts in housing benefit. Clearly, as housing benefit is cut back and rents rise it will become more and more difficult for the low-paid and unemployed to be able to meet their rents and s0 more people will become homeless.

Council housing The long term aim of the government is quite clearly to privatise competely

council housing.

At present about 24%

of the housing stock is owned by authorities with about 13 million tenants. Privatisation will obviously affect a large number of people and so the government intends to do it gradually. The Housing White Paper does not use the term privatisation bit states that there “must be a drive for disposal of public sector housing to other landlords". There are two principal mechanisms for achieving this aim, the first

local

being the “Pick a Landlord’ scheme involving the Tory concept of ‘Tenants’ Choice’.

T ba’ phos

Under the ‘Pick a Landlord’ scheme,

property companies arid private landlords can state their interest in any local authority housing with secure tenants. the local authority would then have to carry out a ballot of those tenants to discover whether they want to transfer. Such a ballot would require a majority of tenants eligible to vote to oppose any transfer. In theory it would. be possible for an estate to be taken over by a property company without a single tenant voting in favour so long as fewer than 50% of those eligible to vote use their vote. Some Labour councils such as Birmingham, which 123,000 tenants, have taken the step of writing to their tenants to explain that not voting in such a ballot would be counted as voting ‘yes’. The Labour-led Exeter City Council has recently taken similar steps to inform tenants about the implications of the Housing Bill.

Council tenants will similarly have the right, under these proposals, to ask an independent landlord (private landlord, housing association, property company ete.) to take over the ownership of their homes from the council.

This is supposedly to deal with bad (local authority) landlords by allowing tenants to transfer and also by introducing competition. However, housing association and private sector tenants will have no such ‘tenant’s choice’ for dealing with their bad landlords. They will not be able to opt for a local authority landlord. Similarly, once council tenants have exercised ‘tenants’ choice’ and found themselves lumbered with a bad lanlord, they will not be able to tranfer back to the local authority. Council tenants who vote ‘no’ to a transfer will be entitled to remain with the local authority landlord, but in the case of flats maisonettes etc., ownership will transfer to the new landlord with a leaseback to the council for ‘no’ voters.

It looks unlikely at present that many tenants will want to transfer. Council rents are generally speaking very much lower than any private sector rents; housing association rents are about 25% higher on average and private tenants pay much more than this. With private landlords being given new powers’ to evict and the right to charge high mar-

ket rents for the first time since 1957, it would seem even more unlikely. However, there is nothing to prevent Tory councils working together with potential

new landlords to sell off their houses. This is apparently the case with Torbay Council, according to an Exeter Labour

Party leaflet on this subject. In such cases, council tenants will have to make their decisions on the basis of information given to them by both the local council and the prospective new landlord; they will have no right to independent information. Clearly, in such cases, it will be up to local tenants” groups, the Labour Party and other groups to advise council tenants as to what they will be letting themselves in for if they do not use their ‘no’ vote.

On a long term basis, Labour Councils Clearly face a choice of either assisting Tory privatisation plans by increasing rent and hence attacking tenants or resisting rent increases (and cuts in services) and possibly facing surcharge.

THE YANKS ARE COMING! - coming to Exeter in the form of McDonalds - the American “Fast-Food’ chain.

Exeter City Council Labour Group themselves firmly on the side of big business when, on the casting vote of John Shepherd, planning permission was given for McDonald’s to open up in the Premises previously occupied by Woolworth’s on the High St. As a further step on the road to turning our City into a centre for tourism and catering, providing low paid and part time jobs for Exonians, Labour took no notice of the protesters. These were conservatlonists and ecologists who had occupied the building on the news of MeDonald’s

’ planning application and organised protests.

placed

One particular objection to is their low-pay, anti-union policies which, more than one Labour Councillor has said, are of no concern to the City Council. Well, really! it was nauseating to see a Conservative member of the Planning Committee then exress the objections that many ordinary people have to McDonald’s controversial business methods in the fast food chain.

McDonald’s

As an individual objector to the McDonald’s planning application, my objections were based on the following considerations:

ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION: the type of packaging used by McDonalds, when broken or burnt, release a gas (CFC) which is shown to have links with the destruction of the ozone layer.

PARKING: the “take-away” clientele would

cause congestion in Cathedral Close and outside the premises.

SRS GSR MRS SB 5 a GOLETA IO BR AS

Housing Action Trusts (HATs)

The second mechanism for privatisation is the use of HATs.. These new bodies are to take over the ownership of certain designated rundown council estates. In this case, tenants and local authorities have absolutely no choice in the matter, it is to be purely on the decision of the Secretary of State. ;

It looks likely that HATs will be the most important mechanism for privatising council estates particularly in inner city areas and around conurbations. . Since most of Exeter’s council housing stock would not be considered ‘rundown’,

it seems unlikely in the short _ tern, that any areas would be designated to an

HAT. However, in the- long term -HAT areas can be designated wherever the Secretary of State pleases, presumably there is nothing to stop it being used.

to get rid of any stubborn ‘no’ tenants left in the future.

voting

Chris Churchward.

ALDS!

PUBLIC HEALTH: the Health Education Council and the British Medical Association have stated that the kind of diet offered by McDonald’s is dangerous to human health. The average .McDonald’s weal is high in fat, salt and sugar and low in fibre. It aims its advertising at children and young people, the very group who will suffer most from consuming junk food.

CONSERVATION: this proposed take way, with the garish shop-front for which the - Company is renowned, is in a conservation area, directly opposite a historic church (St. Petrocks) and not far from the Guildhall. ;

EMPLOYMENT POLICY: discussing this with the full-time officials of the shop workers’ union (USDAW), I found them “pretty fed up” with the attitude of those who (John Lloyd) “are concerned with getting it right for Exeter". and have an arrogant assumption that they are doing a good job. USDAW does not expect to be given facilities for T.U. recruitment by McDonald’s or to be able to attract into membership many of the staff they employ. There is a turn-over rate of 80% per annum amongst staff in

McDonald’s establishments, with a. high proportion of part timers, YTS, and school children. They are required to

work irregular and unsocial ‘hours for low pay. Beyond this, (as with the proposed Burton development) USDAW officials point out, moré outlets do not mean more jobs. There is bound to be a limit to spending-power and demand, and. new jobs created in one store will mean the loss of jobs. in existing stores. Even more is that present full time jobs will be converted into more part time jobs.

- Forward to Socfalism

AN “EXETER + AND EAST DEVON CAMPAIGN GROUP" WAS RECENTLY FORMED BY MEMBERS OF THE EXETER, HONITON AND TIVERTON CONSTITUENCY LABOUR PARTIES. ONE OF ITS CHIEF OBJECTIVES IS TO CAMPAIGN FOR THE BENN/HEFFER LEADERSHIP/DEPUTY LEADERSHIP TICKET. RAY DAVISON, SECRETARY/ORGANISER OF THE CAMPAIGN GROUP EXPLAINS FURTHER.

As I see it, Campaign Groups’ exist Within the Labour Party for one dominant objective: to secure the election of a Labour Government seriously comitted to Socialist advances on all fronts, but especially on the economic front. We must also ensure that, when this occurs,

we have created a level of political.

consciousness and involvement among our Supporters able to generate the resolution and resistance which will be needed to sustain us when we tackle

economic . power and privilege. In present circumstances, with capital on the offensive, our objective is long-term

and requires discipline, but such cir-

cumstances also provide the field for an

. immense amount of immediate, practical, political work.

‘Our strategy ‘should be simultaneously internal and external and we must be very clear that there’ is no opposition between -these dimensions of our work. Internally, we must promote Benn and Heffer as part of a developing and con-

tinuous campaign to democratise the Party and regalvanise its Socialist commitment. Our work here ties in with

the philosophy and history of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy and its established practices. We need to educate existing members of the Party, so they know about distribution of power within the Party, the function of the N.E.C., Conference and the P.L.P.. Internal policy objectives to increase accountability must be clearly assinilated as must the effective mechanisms for producing change. The importance of such internal reforms should not be underestimated if we are to secure’ the kind of accountable, committed Socialist party that we want. Our campaign should therefore involve extensive lobbying and leafletting of existing members and the presentation of detailed arguments about our past administrations. It is clear to us that the Kinnock/Hattersley strategy, dressed up as new realism, is a Simple and sanguine restatement ‘of failed policies of the past, propped up by an illiberal regime to stifle legitimate criticism and historical analysis. We have a direct and winnable struggle here... Campaign Members must be’ active at. ward, branch and constituency level and in their unions to dispel the political complacency which alone allows ‘| welfare capitalism to survive in our

party.

This education of existing membership and winning support for Campaign Group positions is to be promoted not just by lobbying but by providing opportunities for engagement in political action. Here the internal and external dimensions are inseparable: we must involve members and recruit members by involvement in practical situations where individuals resist oppression, discrimination and privilege. Our aim should be to show the political relevance of the action and its relation to our general strategy within the party. This is also the point where our own status as a pressure group will probably be stressed and where our links with the Socialist Conference and its separate identity will need to be clarified (I am a member of the Conference). Externally, what we want is the kind ef involvement generated by 1984/85 with the leadership to back it. . Labour membership will increase and be increasingly radicalised by *effective campaign work which is well organised - this will break the sense of impotence and isolation produced by party bureaucracy and by ideology without a practical base. Campaign Groups should be the focus for revitalising socialism and a positive sense of purpose in the Labour Party: kind of Trojan Horse!

we are a

EXETER AND EAST DEVON CAMPAIGN GROUP AND THE CAMPAIGH GROUP OF LABOUR MPs

invite you to a ( Labour Leadership Election Rally

a with

TONY BENN

at the Barnfield Theatre Exeter

Thurs Sept ist. Free admission

8.00 pm Doors open 7.30 pm

Bnaniriac: Raw Newienn Bomnnrthk 29740